EU sidelines Hungary in closed-door meetings as diplomats cite suspected Kremlin back-channel

The European Union has been limiting the flow of confidential material to Hungary and conducting sensitive diplomacy in smaller groupings, as five European diplomats and officials told Politico they were concerned Budapest was sharing information with Moscow. There will be no formal EU response to the latest allegations before Hungary's parliamentary election on 12 April, the diplomats said. The European Commission on 23 March called the reports "greatly concerning" and asked Hungary to provide "clarifications" about its communications with Moscow. The disclosures follow a Washington Post investigation published Saturday reporting that Szijjártó used breaks during EU meetings to phone Lavrov and update him on proceedings. "Every single EU meeting for years has basically had Moscow behind the table," a European security official told the Post, speaking on condition of anonymity. According to the official, Szijjártó briefed Lavrov on "what's been discussed" and possible solutions under consideration during recesses -- giving Russia a window into closed-door EU deliberations. Szijjártó did not respond to the Post's request for comment. Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk, who has publicly backed Hungarian opposition leader Péter Magyar, drew a direct line from the alleged leaks to his own behavior at EU gatherings. "The news that Orbán's people inform Moscow about EU Council meetings in every detail shouldn't come as a surprise to anyone," Tusk wrote on X on 22 March. "We've had our suspicions about that for a long time. That's one reason why I take the floor only when strictly necessary and say just as much as necessary." Hungary's Europe Minister János Bóka rejected the reports as "fake news" and "a desperate reaction to [Orban's party] Fidesz gaining momentum in the election campaign. But the Hungarian people won't be deceived." Szijjártó accused the media of putting forward "conspiracy theories that are more preposterous than anything seen before." Smaller formats, restricted access Concerns about Budapest relaying information to Moscow have driven the proliferation of breakout diplomatic formats -- E3, E4, E7, E8, Weimar, NB8, the Joint Expeditionary Force -- rather than meetings involving all 27 EU member states, one European government official told Politico. "Overall the less-than-loyal member states are the main reason why most of relevant European diplomacy is now happening in different smaller formats," the official said. Former Lithuanian Foreign Minister Gabrielius Landsbergis told Politico he was warned as early as 2024 that the Hungarian side could be passing information to Russia, and that he and his counterparts had already limited what they said when Szijjártó was present. Ahead of the 2023 NATO summit in Vilnius, envoys moved to exclude Budapest's delegation from sensitive discussions altogether. "We would only speak in formal terms, later breaking out to speak without Hungary about the achievables of the summit," Landsbergis said. The Bucharest Group of Nine -- a format of NATO's eastern-flank countries -- reportedly considered removing Hungary from the grouping the following year over disagreements on Ukraine support. One diplomat told Politico there is now "an argument to be made for classification of info and documents on the EU side." While using the classified designation "isn't a silver bullet," it could "serve as a deterrent against leaks and the passing of sensitive info to third parties. It would also make investigations more automatic." The five diplomats said the allegations came as no surprise. "It undermines trust, cooperation, and the integrity of the European Union," one said. "It's a deplorable situation. If he stays after [the] election, I think the EU need to find ways to deal with this in another manner." Another cautioned that any action before 12 April risks handing Orbán a campaign issue: "I don't think anybody is eager to do anything that would add oil to fire before 12 April." Magyar, addressing a campaign rally over the weekend, was more direct: "The fact that the Hungarian foreign minister, a close friend of Sergey Lavrov, has been reporting to the Russians practically minute by minute from every EU meeting is outright treason. This man has not only betrayed his own country, but Europe as well." Orbán, speaking to Politico on 20 March, said he could "certainly" secure another term despite polling behind Magyar's Tisza party. He refused to sign off on €90 billion in EU loans for Ukraine at Friday's European Council -- a move one diplomat linked directly to Budapest's alignment with Moscow: "Hungary has long been Putin's ally within the EU and continues to sabotage European security. The blocked €90 billion is simply the latest example of that pattern." Among Orbán's foreign supporters set to campaign for him in the final stretch: Polish President Karol Nawrocki, attending events in Budapest on Monday, and US Vice President JD Vance, who is scheduled to visit ahead of the vote. Washington Post investigation -- Russian intelligence operations and Szijjártó's Moscow contacts The Politico reporting draws on a broader Washington Post investigation into Russian efforts to support Orbán ahead of the election. The Post obtained and authenticated -- through a European intelligence service -- an internal document from Russia's foreign intelligence service, the SVR, prepared for Directorate MS, the unit responsible for political influence operations. The document proposed staging a fake assassination attempt on Orbán as a means of shifting the campaign's focus from economic discontent to security. The SVR noted that 52.3% of Hungarians are dissatisfied with conditions in the country, including 50.8% in rural areas traditionally loyal to Fidesz. A fabricated attack, the document argued, would "fundamentally alter the entire paradigm of the election campaign" -- moving it "out of the rational realm of socioeconomic questions into an emotional one." Additional documents reviewed by the Post describe further Russian operations: AI-generated videos targeting Tisza party candidate Mariya Gurzo, and a disinformation campaign against candidate Ervin Nagy involving fabricated allegations of assault, forged documents, and photos distributed through national and social media. Szijjártó's contacts with Moscow form a documented pattern beyond the alleged phone calls during EU meetings. Since Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, he has made 16 official visits to Moscow, the most recent on 4 March, when he met with President Vladimir Putin. That visit drew a formal protest from Kyiv: on 5 March, Ukraine's Foreign Ministry summoned the acting chargé d'affaires of the Hungarian embassy. Western officials cited by the Post described Russia's interest in Orbán's political survival in transactional terms. "Orbán has been one of Russia's best assets," one Western official said. "It is hard to imagine that the Russians would not be standing ready to assist if things go sideways." The Kremlin denied involvement. Spokesman Dmitry Peskov called the SVR document "another example of disinformation." The SVR declined to comment. The Russian Embassy in Budapest stated that "interference in the Hungarian election campaign is by no means coming from the Russian side."